This Sunday will mark the tenth anniversary of the peace accord between the Bangladesh government and the Jumma tribal peoples of the Chittagong Hill Tracts – but the government has failed to implement almost every aspect of it.
Violence, land grabbing and intimidation have escalated in the Hill Tracts since the declaration of emergency rule in Bangladesh in January.
Survival and other organisations will deliver a letter to the Bangladesh government simultaneously in the UK, Germany, France, the Netherlands, Spain and Italy on 27 November. The letter will demand that the peace accord is fully implemented and human rights violations in the region are ended. In London, a vigil will be held outside the Bangladesh High Commission.
The eleven tribes of the Hill Tracts have experienced waves of murder, torture and rape at the hands of the Bangladesh military ever since the country gained independence in 1971. The government has moved hundreds of thousands of Bengali settlers onto their land.
On 2 December 1997 the government and the Jummas signed a peace accord that committed the government to removing military camps from the region and to ending the theft of Jumma land by settlers and the army. The accord offered hope, but military camps remain in the Hill Tracts and violence and land grabbing continue.
Since emergency rule was declared in January, over 50 Jumma activists have been arrested, often on false charges. Many have been tortured.
Survival’s director Stephen Corry said today, ‘Bangladesh’s campaign against the Jummas has been genocidal. With the peace accord, the country salvaged some of its reputation. But ten years on, with abuses escalating, international attention must focus on the Chittagong Hill Tracts once more.’
Survival campaigner Sophie Grig and UK-based Jumma filmmaker Ina Hume are available for interview. Ina Hume is the daughter of a Jumma princess. Bengali speakers are also available for interview.
Source by http://www.survival-international.org/news/2694
Tuesday, November 27, 2007
Monday, November 26, 2007
People's Democracy
Haripada Das
THOUSANDS of tribal people at the joint call of the Tripura Rajya Upajati Ganamukti Parishadh (GMP), Tribal Youth Federation (TYF) and Tribal Students Union (TSU) congregated in a mammoth rally at Stable ground, Agartala to voice their strong determination that no hurdle however nefarious, would be able to stall the victory of Left Front and formation of the Left Front government in the state for the sixth time in the state since 1977. Stable ground on the day seemed too small to accommodate the rallyists coming from nearby areas in procession and from various sub-divisions in hundreds of vehicles.
Unable to find space in the rally ground, about half of the people stood on the streets leading to the ground and at one point of time, the tribal people of the state occupied almost half of the city roads. The participants comprised old and young, male and female, cutting across all the sub-tribes namely Tripuri, Jamatia, Reang, Mog, Chakma, Halam, Garu etc., living in the state. The participants were wearing their traditional dress, carrying flags and festoons of respective organisations, beating drums, indigenous musical instruments and voicing thunderous resolve to re-establish Left Front government in the elections. This overwhelming rally inspired the non tribal people in Agartala city who cheered the rallyists standing beside the roadside. Polit Bureau Member of CPI(M) and chief minister of the state, Manik Sarkar was the main speaker and the other speakers who addressed the rally were Aghore Debbarma, vice president of GMP and chief executive member of TTAADC, GMP vice president Bajuban Reang, general secretary Niranjan Debbarma, joint secretary and state minister Jitendra Chowdhury, and TYF general secretary Naresh Jamatia. Octogenarian legendary tribal leader Vidya Debbarma and CPI(M) state secretary, Baidyanath Majumder also were on the dais. The rally was presided over the GMP president Narayan Rupini.
Commending the organisers and the participants of the rally for the message they heralded in every corner of the state that Left Front shall inevitably emerge as victorious with greater strength, Manik Sarkar depicted a vivid scenario of how, King’s regime followed by Congress regime in early 1977 and subsequently Congress-TUJS coalition regime in 1988-93, strangulated the democratic movement with brute force and rendered all sections of the people inexplicable miseries and suffering. This was more acute in case of tribal people in the hills those days. From the womb of the movement for Janashiksha Andolan (movement for universal education) initiated by some energetic tribal youth, there took birth the Ganamukti Parishad (GMP). Since its inception, GMP consistently strived for all round development of the state, maintaining ethnic amity and unity between tribals and non-tribals. Unlike any other tribal organisation, GMP never suffered any sectarian outlook while it was a champion in realising the safeguards of the tribals enshrined in the constitution. The first Left Front government is the outcome of this united democratic struggle of tribals and non-tribals, Manik Sarkar asserted. Only in 1978, under the first Left Front government, Tripura saw a sincere governmental endeavour to develop the state with people’s involvement through elected panchayats, Nagar panchayats and similar bodies in various organisations.
Referring to some of the historic decisions taken by the first Left Front government which are still the guiding force of the present Left Front government, in regard to the approach to the tribals, Manik Sarkar informed that, holding elections in panchayat, ensuring proportionate reservation for the tribals, formation of TTADC, restoration of illegally alienated lands to the tribal owners, strictly abiding by the reservation quota for the tribals in government jobs and education, recognition of indigenous tribal language Kokborok as state language etc., enlightened the tribal people, not only in the state, but also in the entire North Eastern states and elsewhere in the country. This was not to the liking of the people residing inside the palace. They bred TUJS, a hunter cock and subsequently TNV, an extremist organisation, which inflicted much bloodshed and set a record of brutality in killing many innocent people belonging to both tribals and non-tribals for several years. Even during the 1988 Assembly elections, at the tacit signal from the then prime minister Rajiv Gandhi, TNV carried on their killing spree just on the eve of polling day to discredit the Left Front government for making an electoral gain to the Congress , he stated.
Referring to the present state political situation, Manik Sarkar said, the INPT, the latest avtar of the then TUJS, is still a facet of the extremist outfits. Both the extremist outfits and their patron INPT are now in the crisis of survival. A section of their leaders deserted party, extremists are also in crisis and many of them surrendered and it is not easy at present to induct new cadres. The extremists and INPT are hand in glove and help each other. Reportedly, behind the INPT rally at Agartala some days back, called with a sole objective of exhibiting their strength to negotiate with the Congress for seat sharing, extremists had prominent role in mobilising people. The extremists are contemplating surrender because they see that their future is bleak. Panicked opposition leaders of both the parties rushed to Aizwal to desist them from surrendering and reportedly they asked them to wait till the next Assembly election.
Explaining the difference in the state situation today from that in 2003, Manik Sarkar said during last five years, developmental works surpassed our expectations and many Congress-INPT supporters openly admit it. Since last Assembly elections in 2003, more than 55 thousand families joined us leaving both Congress and INPT. Extremist outfits on the other hand, on which the opposition parties largely depend to contest elections, suffered shrinkage, got demoralised due to impediments in free movement across indo-Bangladesh border because of border fencing, their easy movement inside the state also got confined following setting up of security camps in more places. Their flow of arms and ammunition has been reduced. Manpower to guard the border areas has also been enhanced. State police is at present stronger both in personnel and equipment. Ridiculing the ‘Mission 2008’ declared by the state Congress president, Manik Sarkar said like any other mission which has a negative political approach and least concern for the common man’s interest, the peace-loving democratic-minded people of Tripura shall defeat this mission also.
Manik Sarkar exhorted the audience that though in all respects there is a favorable situation there is no room to be complacent. The anti-Left Front media is flooded with misleading, unfounded and malicious stories against the Left Front government, its ministers and particularly the leaders of CPI(M). “We must refute them instantly and unequivocally and expose their ugly anti-people faces before the masses,” urged Manik Sarkar
Source by- http://pd.cpim.org/2007/1125_pd/11252007_tripura.htm
THOUSANDS of tribal people at the joint call of the Tripura Rajya Upajati Ganamukti Parishadh (GMP), Tribal Youth Federation (TYF) and Tribal Students Union (TSU) congregated in a mammoth rally at Stable ground, Agartala to voice their strong determination that no hurdle however nefarious, would be able to stall the victory of Left Front and formation of the Left Front government in the state for the sixth time in the state since 1977. Stable ground on the day seemed too small to accommodate the rallyists coming from nearby areas in procession and from various sub-divisions in hundreds of vehicles.
Unable to find space in the rally ground, about half of the people stood on the streets leading to the ground and at one point of time, the tribal people of the state occupied almost half of the city roads. The participants comprised old and young, male and female, cutting across all the sub-tribes namely Tripuri, Jamatia, Reang, Mog, Chakma, Halam, Garu etc., living in the state. The participants were wearing their traditional dress, carrying flags and festoons of respective organisations, beating drums, indigenous musical instruments and voicing thunderous resolve to re-establish Left Front government in the elections. This overwhelming rally inspired the non tribal people in Agartala city who cheered the rallyists standing beside the roadside. Polit Bureau Member of CPI(M) and chief minister of the state, Manik Sarkar was the main speaker and the other speakers who addressed the rally were Aghore Debbarma, vice president of GMP and chief executive member of TTAADC, GMP vice president Bajuban Reang, general secretary Niranjan Debbarma, joint secretary and state minister Jitendra Chowdhury, and TYF general secretary Naresh Jamatia. Octogenarian legendary tribal leader Vidya Debbarma and CPI(M) state secretary, Baidyanath Majumder also were on the dais. The rally was presided over the GMP president Narayan Rupini.
Commending the organisers and the participants of the rally for the message they heralded in every corner of the state that Left Front shall inevitably emerge as victorious with greater strength, Manik Sarkar depicted a vivid scenario of how, King’s regime followed by Congress regime in early 1977 and subsequently Congress-TUJS coalition regime in 1988-93, strangulated the democratic movement with brute force and rendered all sections of the people inexplicable miseries and suffering. This was more acute in case of tribal people in the hills those days. From the womb of the movement for Janashiksha Andolan (movement for universal education) initiated by some energetic tribal youth, there took birth the Ganamukti Parishad (GMP). Since its inception, GMP consistently strived for all round development of the state, maintaining ethnic amity and unity between tribals and non-tribals. Unlike any other tribal organisation, GMP never suffered any sectarian outlook while it was a champion in realising the safeguards of the tribals enshrined in the constitution. The first Left Front government is the outcome of this united democratic struggle of tribals and non-tribals, Manik Sarkar asserted. Only in 1978, under the first Left Front government, Tripura saw a sincere governmental endeavour to develop the state with people’s involvement through elected panchayats, Nagar panchayats and similar bodies in various organisations.
Referring to some of the historic decisions taken by the first Left Front government which are still the guiding force of the present Left Front government, in regard to the approach to the tribals, Manik Sarkar informed that, holding elections in panchayat, ensuring proportionate reservation for the tribals, formation of TTADC, restoration of illegally alienated lands to the tribal owners, strictly abiding by the reservation quota for the tribals in government jobs and education, recognition of indigenous tribal language Kokborok as state language etc., enlightened the tribal people, not only in the state, but also in the entire North Eastern states and elsewhere in the country. This was not to the liking of the people residing inside the palace. They bred TUJS, a hunter cock and subsequently TNV, an extremist organisation, which inflicted much bloodshed and set a record of brutality in killing many innocent people belonging to both tribals and non-tribals for several years. Even during the 1988 Assembly elections, at the tacit signal from the then prime minister Rajiv Gandhi, TNV carried on their killing spree just on the eve of polling day to discredit the Left Front government for making an electoral gain to the Congress , he stated.
Referring to the present state political situation, Manik Sarkar said, the INPT, the latest avtar of the then TUJS, is still a facet of the extremist outfits. Both the extremist outfits and their patron INPT are now in the crisis of survival. A section of their leaders deserted party, extremists are also in crisis and many of them surrendered and it is not easy at present to induct new cadres. The extremists and INPT are hand in glove and help each other. Reportedly, behind the INPT rally at Agartala some days back, called with a sole objective of exhibiting their strength to negotiate with the Congress for seat sharing, extremists had prominent role in mobilising people. The extremists are contemplating surrender because they see that their future is bleak. Panicked opposition leaders of both the parties rushed to Aizwal to desist them from surrendering and reportedly they asked them to wait till the next Assembly election.
Explaining the difference in the state situation today from that in 2003, Manik Sarkar said during last five years, developmental works surpassed our expectations and many Congress-INPT supporters openly admit it. Since last Assembly elections in 2003, more than 55 thousand families joined us leaving both Congress and INPT. Extremist outfits on the other hand, on which the opposition parties largely depend to contest elections, suffered shrinkage, got demoralised due to impediments in free movement across indo-Bangladesh border because of border fencing, their easy movement inside the state also got confined following setting up of security camps in more places. Their flow of arms and ammunition has been reduced. Manpower to guard the border areas has also been enhanced. State police is at present stronger both in personnel and equipment. Ridiculing the ‘Mission 2008’ declared by the state Congress president, Manik Sarkar said like any other mission which has a negative political approach and least concern for the common man’s interest, the peace-loving democratic-minded people of Tripura shall defeat this mission also.
Manik Sarkar exhorted the audience that though in all respects there is a favorable situation there is no room to be complacent. The anti-Left Front media is flooded with misleading, unfounded and malicious stories against the Left Front government, its ministers and particularly the leaders of CPI(M). “We must refute them instantly and unequivocally and expose their ugly anti-people faces before the masses,” urged Manik Sarkar
Source by- http://pd.cpim.org/2007/1125_pd/11252007_tripura.htm
Saturday, November 24, 2007
Danutthom Kathin Chibar Dan at Lakpaindang Buddha Bihar
Two-day long “Danutthom Kathin Chibar Dan”, one of the biggest religious festivals observed by the Buddhist community in Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) began last Monday at the Lakpaindang Buddha Bihar. The Bihar is located in a remote area under Manikchhari Upazila.
“Danutthom Kathin Chibar Dan” refers to the ritual of weaving a material within 24 hours, which is gifted to the 'Bante', 'Sramon' (religious leader) as a means of salvation. Devotees also donate money, paper, books and other necessities to the Bihar on the occasion.
Khagrachhari Hill District Council (KHDC) Member Sanu Mong Marma inaugurated the two-day function on Monday. Some 2,000 people from 15 villages, in traditional attire, thronged the Bihar.
Among others, Bangladesh Marma Aikka Parishad (BMAP) President Babu Kongchairi Marma and general secretary of BMAP, Babusshi Chowdhury attended the programme.
As part of the occasion, a village fair was also held at the venue. Yesterday Buddha Puja, Sanghadan, Austra Puroskardan and Bhikkhu Sanger Pinda Dan and Kathin Chibar Dan were observed at the Bihar.One of several CNG filling stations between Kanchpur Bridge and Jatrabari of the capital which BNP big shots built on the Kutubkhali canal, drastically reducing Dhaka's drainage capability. PHOTO: STAR
source by-http://www.thedailystar.net/story.php?nid=12521
“Danutthom Kathin Chibar Dan” refers to the ritual of weaving a material within 24 hours, which is gifted to the 'Bante', 'Sramon' (religious leader) as a means of salvation. Devotees also donate money, paper, books and other necessities to the Bihar on the occasion.
Khagrachhari Hill District Council (KHDC) Member Sanu Mong Marma inaugurated the two-day function on Monday. Some 2,000 people from 15 villages, in traditional attire, thronged the Bihar.
Among others, Bangladesh Marma Aikka Parishad (BMAP) President Babu Kongchairi Marma and general secretary of BMAP, Babusshi Chowdhury attended the programme.
As part of the occasion, a village fair was also held at the venue. Yesterday Buddha Puja, Sanghadan, Austra Puroskardan and Bhikkhu Sanger Pinda Dan and Kathin Chibar Dan were observed at the Bihar.One of several CNG filling stations between Kanchpur Bridge and Jatrabari of the capital which BNP big shots built on the Kutubkhali canal, drastically reducing Dhaka's drainage capability. PHOTO: STAR
source by-http://www.thedailystar.net/story.php?nid=12521
Tiny Buddhist community threatened by devastation
Bangladesh: Bangladesh’s Buddhist Rakhain community fears for its survival after last week’s cyclone wiped out their main source of food.The tiny community, which numbers less than 3,000 in this devastated part of the country, settled in coastal villages centuries ago after travelling from Myanmar via the southeastern Chittagong hill tracts.They live mainly on crabs, insects, worms and wild boar that they hunt in the nearby Sunderbans mangrove forest.
The destruction wrought last week by cyclone Sidr, however, has disrupted their age-old food gathering traditions.“The worms in the ground have gone - they are now buried under tonnes of sand,” said resident Chin Teng Maung, a 40-year-old Rakhain man, as he queued to receive government food aid.“I went to the forest twice in the last four days, but could not catch anything,” said Maung.“Even the insects in the trees are gone. The cyclone has destroyed everything. We don’t know how we’ll survive without any regular source of hunting,” added Mae Dong Che, who used to make a living selling crabs at a local market.
Last Thursday’s devastating cyclone triggered a 6m tidal wave that killed thousands of people and wiped out entire villages.The isolated Rakhain community in southern Bangladesh lives in six hamlets among the predominantly Muslim population, closely guarding their language and culture.
The first Rakhains are believed to have migrated from their homeland to escape political turmoil in the 15th century and gradually settled in the Chittagong hill tracts, close to the Myanmar border, and further afield along the southern Bangladesh coast.In 1951, records show around 17,000 Rakhain were living in Bangladesh - divided between the hill tracts and the southern coast.But the 1991 census recorded just 7,000.Local people said the coastal Rakhains were the first to clear mangrove jungle to build human settlements in one of the remotest parts of the country.
But their number dwindled as the Bengali population spread southwards. Bangladesh is one of the world’s most densely populated and impoverished countries with 40% of the 144mn population living on less than a dollar a day.“Unlike us, they don’t have any relatives (from other parts of the country) to bring them food. More than 95% of the people are so poor that they cannot afford a meal,” said Faruk Hawlader, a Muslim village elder.The Rakhain villagers said they lost 20 men in the cyclone - probably swept away by the tidal wave.“They went to catch crabs and insects in the jungle days before the cyclone. My father was one of them. Nobody returned after the cyclone,” Mama Ching, 20, said.Another villager, Aya Dow, 50, who lost two relatives said she knew they would not be returning.“I’m afraid all of them have died in the waves,” she said.Rakhains - Bangladesh’s official spelling of the group - come from the Arakan region of Myanmar, now known as Myanmar’s Rakhine state.–AFP
Source by-http://www.gulf-times.com/site/topics/article.asp?cu_no=2&item_no=185990&version=1&template_id=44&parent_id=24
The destruction wrought last week by cyclone Sidr, however, has disrupted their age-old food gathering traditions.“The worms in the ground have gone - they are now buried under tonnes of sand,” said resident Chin Teng Maung, a 40-year-old Rakhain man, as he queued to receive government food aid.“I went to the forest twice in the last four days, but could not catch anything,” said Maung.“Even the insects in the trees are gone. The cyclone has destroyed everything. We don’t know how we’ll survive without any regular source of hunting,” added Mae Dong Che, who used to make a living selling crabs at a local market.
Last Thursday’s devastating cyclone triggered a 6m tidal wave that killed thousands of people and wiped out entire villages.The isolated Rakhain community in southern Bangladesh lives in six hamlets among the predominantly Muslim population, closely guarding their language and culture.
The first Rakhains are believed to have migrated from their homeland to escape political turmoil in the 15th century and gradually settled in the Chittagong hill tracts, close to the Myanmar border, and further afield along the southern Bangladesh coast.In 1951, records show around 17,000 Rakhain were living in Bangladesh - divided between the hill tracts and the southern coast.But the 1991 census recorded just 7,000.Local people said the coastal Rakhains were the first to clear mangrove jungle to build human settlements in one of the remotest parts of the country.
But their number dwindled as the Bengali population spread southwards. Bangladesh is one of the world’s most densely populated and impoverished countries with 40% of the 144mn population living on less than a dollar a day.“Unlike us, they don’t have any relatives (from other parts of the country) to bring them food. More than 95% of the people are so poor that they cannot afford a meal,” said Faruk Hawlader, a Muslim village elder.The Rakhain villagers said they lost 20 men in the cyclone - probably swept away by the tidal wave.“They went to catch crabs and insects in the jungle days before the cyclone. My father was one of them. Nobody returned after the cyclone,” Mama Ching, 20, said.Another villager, Aya Dow, 50, who lost two relatives said she knew they would not be returning.“I’m afraid all of them have died in the waves,” she said.Rakhains - Bangladesh’s official spelling of the group - come from the Arakan region of Myanmar, now known as Myanmar’s Rakhine state.–AFP
Source by-http://www.gulf-times.com/site/topics/article.asp?cu_no=2&item_no=185990&version=1&template_id=44&parent_id=24
Tuesday, November 13, 2007
Withdraw Bangalees from hill districts - PCJSS memo to PM
Daily Star, Dhaka, Bangladesh Tuesday, August 22, 2006
Withdraw Bangalees from hill districts - PCJSS memo to PM
The Parbattya Chattagram Jana Sanghity Samity (PCJSS) submitted a memorandum to the prime minister to press their three-point demand including 'withdrawal of Bangalee outsiders from lands of indigenous people. The two other demands are an end to 'harassment and filing of cases' against indigenous people and steps to activate the land commission as early as possible.
The memorandum was handed over to Khagrachhari Deputy Commissioner Humayun Kabir.
It contained signatures of at least 413 indigenous leaders, headman and local elite.
The memorandum alleged that existence of indigenous communities are threatened as Bangalees have grabbed their lands in different areas of the district. It also specified the areas.
"We submitted the memorandum to the prime minister to protect indigenous communities", said PCJSS Information and Publisher Secretary Buddah Kingkor Chakma.
Withdraw Bangalees from hill districts - PCJSS memo to PM
The Parbattya Chattagram Jana Sanghity Samity (PCJSS) submitted a memorandum to the prime minister to press their three-point demand including 'withdrawal of Bangalee outsiders from lands of indigenous people. The two other demands are an end to 'harassment and filing of cases' against indigenous people and steps to activate the land commission as early as possible.
The memorandum was handed over to Khagrachhari Deputy Commissioner Humayun Kabir.
It contained signatures of at least 413 indigenous leaders, headman and local elite.
The memorandum alleged that existence of indigenous communities are threatened as Bangalees have grabbed their lands in different areas of the district. It also specified the areas.
"We submitted the memorandum to the prime minister to protect indigenous communities", said PCJSS Information and Publisher Secretary Buddah Kingkor Chakma.
Sunday, November 11, 2007
(Through the courtesy of Bangladesh High Commission, London)
October 25th, 2007
To
Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed Chief Advisor
Interim Caretaker Government
People's Republic of Bangladesh
Dhaka, Bangladesh
Subject: Continuous land-grabbing, false imprisonments in Chittagong Hill Tracts;
Dear Chief Advisor,
The Jumma Peoples Network UK, would like to congratulate the taking of office of your government for the purpose of eliminating corruption, crime & injustice from Bangladesh society and for the establishment of a truly democratic, accountable and transparent country.
At the same time we regret to observe that the indigenous people are not being able to enjoy the success of your government. They are facing dispossession of their lands, eviction, extra-judicial killings and suppression of their activities.
We are saddened to learn that illegal settlers with the help of the military have intensified the process of confiscating lands belonging to the Jumma indigenous people after the imposition of Emergency Rule in January 2007.
For your information, we’d like to mention the following cases & incidents:
Land-grabbing
- In March 2007 Ruma cantonment acquired about 7,570 acres of ancestral land belonging to indigenous people for extension of its garrison and ordered more than 400 families to leave the area. In Bandarban district alone, 40,077 acres of land have been given in lease to illegal settlers while a total of 94,066 acres of land were acquired for so-called afforestation projects and 75,686 acres were acquired for establishment of military bases in the district.
In another recent case of land-grabbing, illegal settlers have reportedly taken over 59 acres of land belonging to 17 Jumma people in Kobakhali mouza (No. 51) under Dighinala police station in Khagracahari district. In an operation lasting from 1st to 15th August 2007, large groups of settlers led by former Union Parishad (UP) member Mohammed Abu Taleb of Hashinchonpur village and former UP member Mohammed Kader of Kobakhali bazar took control of the hilly lands belonging to Chakma people with the direct assistance of the army, the para-military forces and the local Village Defence Party (VDP) members.
Due to the presence of the security forces, that provided protection to the illegal setters, the people could not offer any resistance. Presently, works for construction of houses on lands seized from indigenous peoples are reportedly underway. The army has reportedly planned to settle 200 plain settler' families in the same mouza.
-In June 2007, the military reportedly settled down at least 200 Bengali settler families at Dhankupya village under Khagrachari district after forcibly evicting 12 indigenous families from their ancestral lands. Earlier, on 8 March 2007, an army camp was set up on the land of Prithviraj Chakma at the same village to protect the settlers.
You will also be aware about the on-going activities of the Bangladesh military that has unleashed a reign of terror across the CHT by carrying out extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests, illegal detention, lodging false cases and terrorizing the people by frequent raids, military operations, torture, threats and intimidation.
Extra-judicial killing
-On 5 August 2007, Rasel Chakma, son of Paritosh Chakma of Dewan Para village under Naniarchar upazilla (sub-district) in Rangamati district was arrested by the security forces and killed in custody. The security forces claimed that he died of a heart attack but the body reportedly bore injury marks of torture.
-Earlier, on 3 March 2007, a group of army personnel from Ghilachari camp under Naniachar Thana arrested Suresh Mohan Chakma, son of Phedera Chakma at Choichari village in Rangamati district without any warrant or reason. The victim was tortured at Ghilachari army camp in Rangamati district and he died on 7 March 2007, a day after being released.
Arrest under false charges
It has also been observed that Jumma activists have been unfairly targetted by the military that are taking advantage of the Emergency situation. Since the declaration of Emergency on 11 January 2007, at least 50 Jumma activists have been arrested, including 20 members of PCJSS (Parbattya Chattagram Jana Sanghati Samity) and 10 members of UPDF (United Peoples Democratic Front).
False cases such as extortion, kidnapping, murder etc have been lodged against the arrested activists. During raids, the military plants weapons and ammunition and claims to have recovered the same from the houses of the detained persons to show a ground for arrest. Most cases have been filed under Section 16(b) of the Emergency Power Rules of 2007, which denies release on bail to the accused during the enquiry, investigation, and trial of the case. Many have been indicted by courts under the Arms Act.
Persecution of indigenous leaders
-In July this year, Satyabir Dewan, general secretary of PCJSS; Ranglai Mro, chairman of Sualok Union Parishad and headman of Sualok mouza and Bikram Marma, president of Kaptai upazilla PCJSS branch were sentenced to 17 years of jail for each by a court in Chittagong under the Arms Act for allegedly possessing illegal arms. Another indigenous leader, Sai Mong Marma, organizing secretary, PCJSS Kaptai upazilla branch was sentenced to 10 years in jail under the Arms Act.
It has been widely alleged that these leaders have been falsely implicated under the Arms Act for protesting against the injustices committed by the Bangladesh military in CHT.
For example, UP chairman Ranglai Mro was targetted for protesting against the eviction of 750 families of the Mro indigenous community from their lands to make way for an army training centre in remote villages of the Bandarban Hill District in December 2006.
-On 3 June 2007, human rights defender, Santoshito Chakma alias Bakul (age 52), who also serves as the general secretary of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Jumma Refugee Welfare Association was arrested by the police from the Chengi Square in Khagrachari town. His arrest was totally unlawful and politically motivated. He was arrested when he was returning home after attending a meeting of the Task Force on rehabilitation of the returnee Jumma refugees at the Circuit House. The police did not give any reason for his arrest.
-On 29 May 2007, Milton Chakma, assistant co-ordinator of the Hill Watch Human Rights Forum and also a leader of United Peoples Democratic Front (UPDF), was arrested from Chengi Bridge in Khagrachari without any arrest warrant. Mr Chakma was shown arrested on the basis of a First Information Report (FIR) filed by Mohammed Shahidul Islam, Sergeant (No. 3998686) of 24th Bengal Regiment. In the army records, he has been shown arrested on 31 May 2007, although the Bangladesh army had picked him up on 29 May 2007 from Chengi Bridge area. He was implicated in a false murder case.
-On 5 May 2007, Tatindra Lal Chakma, central committee member of PCJSS, was arrested in connection with false extortion case filed by Mohammed Fuyad Hussain, manager of Grameen Bank of Babuchara branch with Dighinala police station in Khagrachari district. The military allegedly compelled Mr. Hussain to file the false case against T. L. Chakma. This was proved when the complainant denied involvement with Mr. Chakma before the court and the court granted bail to Mr. Chakma in June 2007. But the bail was cancelled on 23 July 2007 as Mr. Hussain was forced to withdraw his statement under tremendous pressure from the military. Again on 2 August 2007, two false cases of murder have reportedly been filed against Mr. Chakma with the Dighinala police station to ensure that he is not released from jail. Presently, he has been kept at Khagrachari jail.
It is indeed a shame that the present government has failed to respect the rights of indigenous people worldwide (estimated to be around 350 million) & in particular Bangladesh by abstaining from voting on the United Nations Resolution on September 13th this year on the rights of indigenous people which was passed recently. Your government continues to ignore the presence of millions of indigenous people on Bangladesh soil.
Seeing all norms and practices of this rejection and ignorance of indigenous people’s presence implies putting them in more danger in their own land. Therefore, indigenous people of Bangladesh feel more insecure for their lives than ever before.
You are well aware that the Bangladesh government has signed a Peace Accord in 1997 with PCJSS, who represent the whole of Chittagong Hill Tracts. But it is very shameful for the government for not implementing its’ very important clauses. If the accord were fully implemented, the indigenous people of Chittagong Hill Tracts would feel more secure of their lives & property. Instead, the government is continuing to exhibit the CHT Regional Council as a show piece, which has no power to do anything. It is high time to implement the accord and we strongly urge your government to comply with all the remaining un-implemented clauses of the accord. Otherwise the renewed implantation of illegal settlers and continued land-grabbing will pose the most serious of threats to the Jumma people of the region. With indigenous leaders being implicated in false cases, one can only protest against such policies in Bangladesh only at one’s own peril.
In view of the above, we would like to mention the following issues to be considered urgently by your government:
1. Stop arresting Jummas under false charges;
2. No more land-grabbing for settlers & military installations;
3. Return stolen land to rightful indigenous owners;
4. Immediately halt State-sponsored settlements in CHT;
5. Release CHT political prisoners;
6. Immediately implement all provisions of CHT Peace Accord of 1997 including withdrawal of all military camps;
7. Rehabilitation of returnee Jumma refugees from India;
8. Drawing up a voter list as per the provisions of the CHT Accord;
9. Re-settlement of inducted Bengali settlers from CHT to elsewhere in Bangladesh;
Sincerely yours,
Jumma Peoples Network, UK
Website: www.jpnuk.org.uk
E-mail: Jpn_uk@hotmail.com
CC: Foreign & Commonwealth Office (FCO), London
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, European Commission, Brussels
United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, New York
Embassies & High Commissions of SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation), London
To
Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed Chief Advisor
Interim Caretaker Government
People's Republic of Bangladesh
Dhaka, Bangladesh
Subject: Continuous land-grabbing, false imprisonments in Chittagong Hill Tracts;
Dear Chief Advisor,
The Jumma Peoples Network UK, would like to congratulate the taking of office of your government for the purpose of eliminating corruption, crime & injustice from Bangladesh society and for the establishment of a truly democratic, accountable and transparent country.
At the same time we regret to observe that the indigenous people are not being able to enjoy the success of your government. They are facing dispossession of their lands, eviction, extra-judicial killings and suppression of their activities.
We are saddened to learn that illegal settlers with the help of the military have intensified the process of confiscating lands belonging to the Jumma indigenous people after the imposition of Emergency Rule in January 2007.
For your information, we’d like to mention the following cases & incidents:
Land-grabbing
- In March 2007 Ruma cantonment acquired about 7,570 acres of ancestral land belonging to indigenous people for extension of its garrison and ordered more than 400 families to leave the area. In Bandarban district alone, 40,077 acres of land have been given in lease to illegal settlers while a total of 94,066 acres of land were acquired for so-called afforestation projects and 75,686 acres were acquired for establishment of military bases in the district.
In another recent case of land-grabbing, illegal settlers have reportedly taken over 59 acres of land belonging to 17 Jumma people in Kobakhali mouza (No. 51) under Dighinala police station in Khagracahari district. In an operation lasting from 1st to 15th August 2007, large groups of settlers led by former Union Parishad (UP) member Mohammed Abu Taleb of Hashinchonpur village and former UP member Mohammed Kader of Kobakhali bazar took control of the hilly lands belonging to Chakma people with the direct assistance of the army, the para-military forces and the local Village Defence Party (VDP) members.
Due to the presence of the security forces, that provided protection to the illegal setters, the people could not offer any resistance. Presently, works for construction of houses on lands seized from indigenous peoples are reportedly underway. The army has reportedly planned to settle 200 plain settler' families in the same mouza.
-In June 2007, the military reportedly settled down at least 200 Bengali settler families at Dhankupya village under Khagrachari district after forcibly evicting 12 indigenous families from their ancestral lands. Earlier, on 8 March 2007, an army camp was set up on the land of Prithviraj Chakma at the same village to protect the settlers.
You will also be aware about the on-going activities of the Bangladesh military that has unleashed a reign of terror across the CHT by carrying out extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests, illegal detention, lodging false cases and terrorizing the people by frequent raids, military operations, torture, threats and intimidation.
Extra-judicial killing
-On 5 August 2007, Rasel Chakma, son of Paritosh Chakma of Dewan Para village under Naniarchar upazilla (sub-district) in Rangamati district was arrested by the security forces and killed in custody. The security forces claimed that he died of a heart attack but the body reportedly bore injury marks of torture.
-Earlier, on 3 March 2007, a group of army personnel from Ghilachari camp under Naniachar Thana arrested Suresh Mohan Chakma, son of Phedera Chakma at Choichari village in Rangamati district without any warrant or reason. The victim was tortured at Ghilachari army camp in Rangamati district and he died on 7 March 2007, a day after being released.
Arrest under false charges
It has also been observed that Jumma activists have been unfairly targetted by the military that are taking advantage of the Emergency situation. Since the declaration of Emergency on 11 January 2007, at least 50 Jumma activists have been arrested, including 20 members of PCJSS (Parbattya Chattagram Jana Sanghati Samity) and 10 members of UPDF (United Peoples Democratic Front).
False cases such as extortion, kidnapping, murder etc have been lodged against the arrested activists. During raids, the military plants weapons and ammunition and claims to have recovered the same from the houses of the detained persons to show a ground for arrest. Most cases have been filed under Section 16(b) of the Emergency Power Rules of 2007, which denies release on bail to the accused during the enquiry, investigation, and trial of the case. Many have been indicted by courts under the Arms Act.
Persecution of indigenous leaders
-In July this year, Satyabir Dewan, general secretary of PCJSS; Ranglai Mro, chairman of Sualok Union Parishad and headman of Sualok mouza and Bikram Marma, president of Kaptai upazilla PCJSS branch were sentenced to 17 years of jail for each by a court in Chittagong under the Arms Act for allegedly possessing illegal arms. Another indigenous leader, Sai Mong Marma, organizing secretary, PCJSS Kaptai upazilla branch was sentenced to 10 years in jail under the Arms Act.
It has been widely alleged that these leaders have been falsely implicated under the Arms Act for protesting against the injustices committed by the Bangladesh military in CHT.
For example, UP chairman Ranglai Mro was targetted for protesting against the eviction of 750 families of the Mro indigenous community from their lands to make way for an army training centre in remote villages of the Bandarban Hill District in December 2006.
-On 3 June 2007, human rights defender, Santoshito Chakma alias Bakul (age 52), who also serves as the general secretary of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Jumma Refugee Welfare Association was arrested by the police from the Chengi Square in Khagrachari town. His arrest was totally unlawful and politically motivated. He was arrested when he was returning home after attending a meeting of the Task Force on rehabilitation of the returnee Jumma refugees at the Circuit House. The police did not give any reason for his arrest.
-On 29 May 2007, Milton Chakma, assistant co-ordinator of the Hill Watch Human Rights Forum and also a leader of United Peoples Democratic Front (UPDF), was arrested from Chengi Bridge in Khagrachari without any arrest warrant. Mr Chakma was shown arrested on the basis of a First Information Report (FIR) filed by Mohammed Shahidul Islam, Sergeant (No. 3998686) of 24th Bengal Regiment. In the army records, he has been shown arrested on 31 May 2007, although the Bangladesh army had picked him up on 29 May 2007 from Chengi Bridge area. He was implicated in a false murder case.
-On 5 May 2007, Tatindra Lal Chakma, central committee member of PCJSS, was arrested in connection with false extortion case filed by Mohammed Fuyad Hussain, manager of Grameen Bank of Babuchara branch with Dighinala police station in Khagrachari district. The military allegedly compelled Mr. Hussain to file the false case against T. L. Chakma. This was proved when the complainant denied involvement with Mr. Chakma before the court and the court granted bail to Mr. Chakma in June 2007. But the bail was cancelled on 23 July 2007 as Mr. Hussain was forced to withdraw his statement under tremendous pressure from the military. Again on 2 August 2007, two false cases of murder have reportedly been filed against Mr. Chakma with the Dighinala police station to ensure that he is not released from jail. Presently, he has been kept at Khagrachari jail.
It is indeed a shame that the present government has failed to respect the rights of indigenous people worldwide (estimated to be around 350 million) & in particular Bangladesh by abstaining from voting on the United Nations Resolution on September 13th this year on the rights of indigenous people which was passed recently. Your government continues to ignore the presence of millions of indigenous people on Bangladesh soil.
Seeing all norms and practices of this rejection and ignorance of indigenous people’s presence implies putting them in more danger in their own land. Therefore, indigenous people of Bangladesh feel more insecure for their lives than ever before.
You are well aware that the Bangladesh government has signed a Peace Accord in 1997 with PCJSS, who represent the whole of Chittagong Hill Tracts. But it is very shameful for the government for not implementing its’ very important clauses. If the accord were fully implemented, the indigenous people of Chittagong Hill Tracts would feel more secure of their lives & property. Instead, the government is continuing to exhibit the CHT Regional Council as a show piece, which has no power to do anything. It is high time to implement the accord and we strongly urge your government to comply with all the remaining un-implemented clauses of the accord. Otherwise the renewed implantation of illegal settlers and continued land-grabbing will pose the most serious of threats to the Jumma people of the region. With indigenous leaders being implicated in false cases, one can only protest against such policies in Bangladesh only at one’s own peril.
In view of the above, we would like to mention the following issues to be considered urgently by your government:
1. Stop arresting Jummas under false charges;
2. No more land-grabbing for settlers & military installations;
3. Return stolen land to rightful indigenous owners;
4. Immediately halt State-sponsored settlements in CHT;
5. Release CHT political prisoners;
6. Immediately implement all provisions of CHT Peace Accord of 1997 including withdrawal of all military camps;
7. Rehabilitation of returnee Jumma refugees from India;
8. Drawing up a voter list as per the provisions of the CHT Accord;
9. Re-settlement of inducted Bengali settlers from CHT to elsewhere in Bangladesh;
Sincerely yours,
Jumma Peoples Network, UK
Website: www.jpnuk.org.uk
E-mail: Jpn_uk@hotmail.com
CC: Foreign & Commonwealth Office (FCO), London
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, European Commission, Brussels
United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, New York
Embassies & High Commissions of SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation), London
Election Commission draws up CHT Voter List:
Election Commission draws up CHT Voter List:
malafide and malicious to hill peoples interests?
Shikhori Changma
The present caretaker government in Bangladesh took power on 11 January 2007, and soon after, initiated reforms within the Election Commission by appointing new Election Commissioners. More recently, it brought into effect the Electoral Rolls Ordinance, 2007 (Ordinance 18 of 2007). This ordinance enables the Election Commission to register voters for different electoral bodies, to register them with the assistance of computerised databases which will also have their photographs. By `electoral bodies' the Comission means the national Parliament, and local government bodies that are elected, such as Union Parishad, Upazilla Parishad, Zilla Parishad, and Municipal or City Corporation.
According to the new law, the Election Comission will prepare a complete voter list for the 2008 Parliamentary election, and for elections to local government bodies. The army will assist the Commission in this task. The work of registering voters has been concluded in many upazillas and zillas of Bangladesh. The task of registering voters in Bandarban, Rangamati and Khagracchari, the three districts of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, began on 22 October.
Voters in the Hill Tracts have been registered for national elections before, but this registration is different to previous ones, and there is consternation in the air. Differences between previous registration methods and present ones are considerable. The new voter list is a computerised one, the voter list will provide national identity cards, and elections to local bodies (Zilla Parishad, Pourashava, Upazilla, Union Parishad) will be held on the basis of this voter list. Herein lies the reason for consternation and anxiety.
That the Chittagong Hill Tracts is an indivisible part of Bangladesh, is undeniable. Similarly, it is undeniable that the CHT is a special area. The paharis or hill peoples have enjoyed a special status for many hundreds of years. The area has been governed by the Chittagong Hill Tracts Regulation 1900, in addition to other laws prevalent in the country. The Regulation ensured its separate legal status. It was recognised as such during the British colonial period. Its special status continued during the Pakistan period. It did continue after the independence of Bangladesh but for a brief period, only to be totally disregarded later. To defend their existence the hill peoples rebelled; the rebellion soon took the form of an armed strugle. In the name of suppressing the rebellion, the armed forces conducted genocidal operations in the Hill Tracts, killing, maiming and uprooting hills peoples from their ancestral land, raping women, destroying villages, and settling outsider Bengalis on pahari land. On 2 December 1997, after 24 long years, the government of Bangladesh signed an accord with the Parbattya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti (PCJSS, or JSS for short). This accord later came to be known as the Peace accord, and although it did not seriously attempt to redress the injustices and wrongs done to the hills peoples, it did reduce the level of systematic violence, and the general lawlessness that had been characteristic of the region for many decades. After the signing of the accord, a Regional Council was formed in the CHT, alongwith three District Councils.
Those eligible to vote in the Regional Council and in the three District Councils, under existing CHT laws, are those who are permanent residents of the Hill Tracts. That only permanent residents can be enlisted as voters, is clearly stated in the Parbatya Zilla Parishad Ain, 1989 (section 17). According to this law, voter eligibility is based on (i) Bangladeshi citizenship (ii) age (must be above 18 years) (iii) mental health, and on being a (iv) permanent resident of Rangamati/ Bandarban/ Khagracchari. The Chittagong Hills Regulation, 1900 (34 (1) rule) defines permanent settlement clearly. A non-tribal person can be considered to be a permanent resident, only if he or she has been a house-owner in CHT for at least 15 years, and in addition does not own a house outside CHT. Or, a non-tribal person can be a permanent resident if he or she has a house, coupled with agricultural land which has been settled on the person by the Deputy Commissioner of CHT, and has no house or agricultural land anywhere else, that is, in any district outside the Hill Tracts.
Since these laws still exist, it is incumbent that Election Commission officials sit with Regional and Zilla Parishad representatives to determine first and foremost the list of permanent residents in the CHT. But instead, the EC has jumped headlong into the task of preparing a voter list. In effect, this means that the Election Commission is preparing a voter list which enrols Bengali settlers as voters, it thereby turns them into permanent residents of the CHT. And in effect, this means that the Election Commission is subverting the laws of land.
Bengalis enter into the Hill Tracts almost every day, even though the CHT enjoys special status. They are also able to settle down, often with the direct or indirect assistance of the government, both civilian and army administrators. This has continued even after the signing of the Peace accord. Recent attempts at rehabilitation sparked off a confrontation between paharis and Bengalis in the Dighinala area of Khagracchari district. A situation of unrest still prevails. Pahari suspicions have been further deepened as EC officials, aided by the army, continue in their task of enrolling voters.
Through preparing voter lists, the government and the army is ensuring that demographic changes in the CHT are made more irreversible than ever before. Further, there are parallel attempts to invalidate the Peace accord. One such instance is a writ petition filed in court by advocate Tajul Islam himself on 27 August 2007. The petition (writ petition no 6451/2007) calls on the Government to give reasons as to why the Peace Accord signed between the government of Bangladesh and the Parbatya Chattagram Jana Sanghati Samiti (PCJSS) should not be considered unconstitutional. The petitioner maintains that the accord violated the provisions of the Constitution, it contravened the sovereignty of Bangladesh and the supremacy of its Constitution. Hence, it should not only be declared illegal, it should not have any legal effect. The Court has simultaneously directed one of the respondents i.e., the Election Commission, to not deprive any non-tribal citizen from being enlisted as a voter during the voter enlistment process, on grounds of beings non-permanent residents of the CHT.
The High Court has issued a rule against the government, and at present the case is pending in the High Court. What is remarkable about the writ petition is that the petitioner has not made the PCJSS (or the Regional Council) a respondent in the case, even though it is a party to the Peace accord. The petitioner hmself does not reside or live in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. As a matter of fact, according to insider sources, the learned advocate has never even visited the CHT. Further, the petition makes no mention of two other writ petitions on the same issue that are at present pending in the High Court. One of these petitions was made soon after the Peace accord (writ petition no 4113/1999), asking that the Peace accord be declared illegal and unconstitutional. The second petition was filed by a Bengali settler, and asks why the Regional Council Law, 1988 and Rangamati/Bandarban, Khagracchari Zilla Parishad Law, 1998 should not be declared unconstitutional. Both these cases are pending. What is of further interest is that though the latest writ petition is of great public interest and concern, the Attorney General who represents the government, made no attempt to put forth a strong rebuttal of the petition.
The hill peoples have fought the Bangladesh army for many decades in the CHT, in order to ensure their survival. These two forces are still suspicious of each other. In this situation, army assistance in preparing voter lists can only serve to exacerbate tensions. It is not far-fetched to assume that many paharis may not even turn up to register as voters. That the government or the EC does not seem to be concerned about these realities, is quite remarkable. Equally remarkable is the fact that neither of the pahari political parties, neither the PCJSS nor the UPDF (United Peoples Democratic Front) which have represented and fought for pahari interests have either been consulted, or made a party to the government's voter registration process. This has only served to deepen pahari fears and anxieties that the mechanism and process of voter registration in the CHT is malicious in intent.
An Election Commissioner had recently commented that the new "voter list will be a source of pride for the nation and its peoples" (Prothom Alo, 26.10.2007).
It might well be so for the rest of Bangladesh, but surely not for the paharis.
malafide and malicious to hill peoples interests?
Shikhori Changma
The present caretaker government in Bangladesh took power on 11 January 2007, and soon after, initiated reforms within the Election Commission by appointing new Election Commissioners. More recently, it brought into effect the Electoral Rolls Ordinance, 2007 (Ordinance 18 of 2007). This ordinance enables the Election Commission to register voters for different electoral bodies, to register them with the assistance of computerised databases which will also have their photographs. By `electoral bodies' the Comission means the national Parliament, and local government bodies that are elected, such as Union Parishad, Upazilla Parishad, Zilla Parishad, and Municipal or City Corporation.
According to the new law, the Election Comission will prepare a complete voter list for the 2008 Parliamentary election, and for elections to local government bodies. The army will assist the Commission in this task. The work of registering voters has been concluded in many upazillas and zillas of Bangladesh. The task of registering voters in Bandarban, Rangamati and Khagracchari, the three districts of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, began on 22 October.
Voters in the Hill Tracts have been registered for national elections before, but this registration is different to previous ones, and there is consternation in the air. Differences between previous registration methods and present ones are considerable. The new voter list is a computerised one, the voter list will provide national identity cards, and elections to local bodies (Zilla Parishad, Pourashava, Upazilla, Union Parishad) will be held on the basis of this voter list. Herein lies the reason for consternation and anxiety.
That the Chittagong Hill Tracts is an indivisible part of Bangladesh, is undeniable. Similarly, it is undeniable that the CHT is a special area. The paharis or hill peoples have enjoyed a special status for many hundreds of years. The area has been governed by the Chittagong Hill Tracts Regulation 1900, in addition to other laws prevalent in the country. The Regulation ensured its separate legal status. It was recognised as such during the British colonial period. Its special status continued during the Pakistan period. It did continue after the independence of Bangladesh but for a brief period, only to be totally disregarded later. To defend their existence the hill peoples rebelled; the rebellion soon took the form of an armed strugle. In the name of suppressing the rebellion, the armed forces conducted genocidal operations in the Hill Tracts, killing, maiming and uprooting hills peoples from their ancestral land, raping women, destroying villages, and settling outsider Bengalis on pahari land. On 2 December 1997, after 24 long years, the government of Bangladesh signed an accord with the Parbattya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti (PCJSS, or JSS for short). This accord later came to be known as the Peace accord, and although it did not seriously attempt to redress the injustices and wrongs done to the hills peoples, it did reduce the level of systematic violence, and the general lawlessness that had been characteristic of the region for many decades. After the signing of the accord, a Regional Council was formed in the CHT, alongwith three District Councils.
Those eligible to vote in the Regional Council and in the three District Councils, under existing CHT laws, are those who are permanent residents of the Hill Tracts. That only permanent residents can be enlisted as voters, is clearly stated in the Parbatya Zilla Parishad Ain, 1989 (section 17). According to this law, voter eligibility is based on (i) Bangladeshi citizenship (ii) age (must be above 18 years) (iii) mental health, and on being a (iv) permanent resident of Rangamati/ Bandarban/ Khagracchari. The Chittagong Hills Regulation, 1900 (34 (1) rule) defines permanent settlement clearly. A non-tribal person can be considered to be a permanent resident, only if he or she has been a house-owner in CHT for at least 15 years, and in addition does not own a house outside CHT. Or, a non-tribal person can be a permanent resident if he or she has a house, coupled with agricultural land which has been settled on the person by the Deputy Commissioner of CHT, and has no house or agricultural land anywhere else, that is, in any district outside the Hill Tracts.
Since these laws still exist, it is incumbent that Election Commission officials sit with Regional and Zilla Parishad representatives to determine first and foremost the list of permanent residents in the CHT. But instead, the EC has jumped headlong into the task of preparing a voter list. In effect, this means that the Election Commission is preparing a voter list which enrols Bengali settlers as voters, it thereby turns them into permanent residents of the CHT. And in effect, this means that the Election Commission is subverting the laws of land.
Bengalis enter into the Hill Tracts almost every day, even though the CHT enjoys special status. They are also able to settle down, often with the direct or indirect assistance of the government, both civilian and army administrators. This has continued even after the signing of the Peace accord. Recent attempts at rehabilitation sparked off a confrontation between paharis and Bengalis in the Dighinala area of Khagracchari district. A situation of unrest still prevails. Pahari suspicions have been further deepened as EC officials, aided by the army, continue in their task of enrolling voters.
Through preparing voter lists, the government and the army is ensuring that demographic changes in the CHT are made more irreversible than ever before. Further, there are parallel attempts to invalidate the Peace accord. One such instance is a writ petition filed in court by advocate Tajul Islam himself on 27 August 2007. The petition (writ petition no 6451/2007) calls on the Government to give reasons as to why the Peace Accord signed between the government of Bangladesh and the Parbatya Chattagram Jana Sanghati Samiti (PCJSS) should not be considered unconstitutional. The petitioner maintains that the accord violated the provisions of the Constitution, it contravened the sovereignty of Bangladesh and the supremacy of its Constitution. Hence, it should not only be declared illegal, it should not have any legal effect. The Court has simultaneously directed one of the respondents i.e., the Election Commission, to not deprive any non-tribal citizen from being enlisted as a voter during the voter enlistment process, on grounds of beings non-permanent residents of the CHT.
The High Court has issued a rule against the government, and at present the case is pending in the High Court. What is remarkable about the writ petition is that the petitioner has not made the PCJSS (or the Regional Council) a respondent in the case, even though it is a party to the Peace accord. The petitioner hmself does not reside or live in the Chittagong Hill Tracts. As a matter of fact, according to insider sources, the learned advocate has never even visited the CHT. Further, the petition makes no mention of two other writ petitions on the same issue that are at present pending in the High Court. One of these petitions was made soon after the Peace accord (writ petition no 4113/1999), asking that the Peace accord be declared illegal and unconstitutional. The second petition was filed by a Bengali settler, and asks why the Regional Council Law, 1988 and Rangamati/Bandarban, Khagracchari Zilla Parishad Law, 1998 should not be declared unconstitutional. Both these cases are pending. What is of further interest is that though the latest writ petition is of great public interest and concern, the Attorney General who represents the government, made no attempt to put forth a strong rebuttal of the petition.
The hill peoples have fought the Bangladesh army for many decades in the CHT, in order to ensure their survival. These two forces are still suspicious of each other. In this situation, army assistance in preparing voter lists can only serve to exacerbate tensions. It is not far-fetched to assume that many paharis may not even turn up to register as voters. That the government or the EC does not seem to be concerned about these realities, is quite remarkable. Equally remarkable is the fact that neither of the pahari political parties, neither the PCJSS nor the UPDF (United Peoples Democratic Front) which have represented and fought for pahari interests have either been consulted, or made a party to the government's voter registration process. This has only served to deepen pahari fears and anxieties that the mechanism and process of voter registration in the CHT is malicious in intent.
An Election Commissioner had recently commented that the new "voter list will be a source of pride for the nation and its peoples" (Prothom Alo, 26.10.2007).
It might well be so for the rest of Bangladesh, but surely not for the paharis.
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